Wars over Gas Fields
The discovery of gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean could potentially
escalate tensions in this increasingly volatile region. Competing claims
to the lucrative natural gas fields, made by Israel’s former ally, Turkey,
as well as by its neighbor Lebanon (still in a de jure state of war), have
precipitated a build-up of naval forces in the Levant basin from a number
of state actors wanting to get in on the action, including Russia. All this
has occurred in the wake of the drawdown of American naval assets in
the area, creating a power vacuum.
Meanwhile, Israel’s wells, and the naval presence protecting them, offer
new targets at sea to Israel’s longstanding non-state enemies Hizballah
and Hamas, whose modus operandi in the case of legal disputes is the use
of force rather than through the court system.
Hizballah and Hamas could seek to disrupt Israel’s off-shore venture by
targeting Israeli rigs and naval patrols. Hizballah is already in possession
of Chinese C-802 anti-ship missiles and is believed to have been given
Russian Yakhont missiles by Syria. Iran could provide similar missiles to
Hamas in Gaza. Hizballah’s waning support in Lebanon, due to a blowback
from its role in Syria, could push the organization to reclaim the popular
role as the only resistance force capable of defending Lebanon from Israeli
aggression. Fighting for Lebanese rights in the Eastern Mediterranean
could provide the pretext needed for Hizballah to reestablish its credibility
and raison d’être in the eyes of the Lebanese masses. Similarly, Hamas,
vying with the Palestinian Authority for legitimacy in the Palestinian street,
could buttress its claim to be the true resistance to Israel by attacking Israeli
targets at sea. In August 2014, it announced two rocket attacks on an Israeli
offshore gas installation. Other radical organizations in Gaza and in Sinai,
some of them Iranian proxies, could do the same.
MIDEAST SECURITY AND POLICY STUDIES I 27
With a growing amount of increasingly sophisticated and lethal weaponry
proliferating throughout the Eastern Mediterranean and plenty of radical
motivations, a conflagration, triggered intentionally or by a tragic
miscalculation, seems plausible. As noted, the Turkish energy appetite
and growing assertiveness could also fuel military conflict.
Israeli defense circles hope that Israel’s expanding navy, combined with
its continuous improvement of land and air assets, and the increasing
cooperation with Greece and Cyprus, will give pause to any regional
actor that would consider turning the Mediterranean Sea into the next
great field of battle. Indeed, the Israeli navy is preparing to defend the
gas field offshore of Israel.62 The IDF Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. Benny
Gantz has approved the navy’s plan to add, inter alia, four Offshore
Patrol Vessels (OPVs) to its order of battle.63 Recently Israel has
sought to increase the capabilities of its fast patrol vessels, the Shaldag
and Super Dvora Mark III, of which another three larger variants are
already on order from Israeli Aircraft Industries. In addition to these
smaller purchases, Israel has been upgrading its Saar 4.5 missile boats
and Saar 5 corvettes with new radars, electronic warfare systems,
and anti-aircraft and anti-missile missiles. These surface assets are
complemented by three submarines, which will be joined by two new
Dolphin-class submarines, the most advanced in the Mediterranean,
with a third in production. Finally, Israel hoped to procure four OPVs
from Germany. However, as this purchase is unlikely to be pursued, an
international bid for the OPVs is considered.64
The future role of Russia in these contingencies is not clear. Some
analysts believe that Russia is interested in marketing the region’s
energy riches. Securing gas reserves in the East Mediterranean
will also help Moscow safeguard its dominant position as a natural
gas supplier to Western Europe, which could be challenged by new
competitors in the region. Yet, delays and disruptions in transporting
the gas to Europe might strengthen Russia’s role even more as a major
energy supplier to Europe and keep prices high, which is beneficial for
Moscow. Moreover, as the Crimea crisis indicated, geopolitics still are
a dominant factor in Russian decision-making.